Sicherheitskultur im Wandel

Sicherheitskultur im Wandel

Sicherheitskultur bezeichnet die Gesamtheit der Überzeugungen, Werte und Praktiken von Individuen und Organisationen, die darüber entscheiden, was als eine Gefahr anzusehen ist und mit welchen Mitteln ihr begegnet werden soll. Sicherheitsbedrohungen existieren nicht einfach, sondern sind zumindest teilweise durch gesellschaftliche Normen und Praktiken konstruiert. Diesen und weiteren Fragen gehen wir hier im Forschungsblog des Sicherheitskultur-Projektes nach.

Preparing for (intellectual) civil war – the New Right in Austria and Germany

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This is the 19. article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.

by Natascha Strobl and Julian Bruns

On April 14th, activists of the Identitäre Bewegung Österreich (Identitarian Movement Austria) entered the stage during a performance of Elfriede Jelinek’s play “Die Schutzbefohlenen” (The Wards) in the main hall of the University of Vienna. Some of the 30 persons showed a banner soaked in artificial blood that said: “Ihr Heuchler!” (You hypocrites!). Actors – among them refugees and children – were shocked. It was the intervention of some antifascist audience members that ended the disruption. This media-attracting act ranks among several incidents caused by New Right actors which have received increasing attention in the German and Austrian public. From the early 2000s on, the New Right established new specialized forms of media and institutions – and increasingly took to the streets. The Identitarians are the spearhead of this new strategic development. At first glance, this might look like a contradiction since the very definition of New Right is the one of a movement which has shifted from action to intellectual debate. But this is only one side of the story. mehr...

„War in peace. The return of civil war in Mozambique?“

by Daniel Kaiser and Janne Rantala

Disclaimer: Mozambique’s 16-year Civil War supposedly ended in 1992. However, since 2012, acrimonious political dialogue around the country’s natural resource wealth, a failed reconciliation and historical power struggles has given space to armed conflict. As a consequence, more than 10,000 civilians have fled fighting and sought shelter in neighboring Malawi.

At a recent press conference with the Mozambican president Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, German chancellor Angela Merkel demanded immediate action and a political solution for the resurgent armed conflict between state security forces and Renamo rebels. As a return to civil war seems not out of the question and profound information is scarce, we would like to shed some light on what is actually happening in Mozambique.

Though the country will celebrate the 24th anniversary of the General Peace Agreement in October, there is unlikely to be much festive spirit due to what is euphemistically called a ”political-military situation” by television news. In fact, it might be more adequate to call it a low-intensity armed conflict that is steadily escalating since last October.

While people are afraid to drive on the country’s main highways and more than 10000 refugees have fled to neighboring Malawi, the ruling party, Frelimo, and the main opposition party, Renamo, continuously accuse one another of armed attacks, perpetrating kidnappings, torture and murder. Fighting has been particularly intense in remote areas such as Sofala, Tete and Zambézia provinces in central Mozambique. However, attempted and de facto assassinations, probably linked to the conflict, have occurred in the cities of Maputo, Matola and Beira. mehr...

Don’t Call Me Right! The Strategy of Normalization in German Right-Wing Extremism

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This is the 18. article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.

by Holger Marcks

When it comes to change in social environments, a parable of philosopher Charles Handy gets pulled out quickly. If you drop a frog in boiling water, it jumps out immediately; but placed in cold water slowly warming up, it acclimates itself and falls to sleep, unaware of being boiled alive. The parable reminds us of the perceptional relativity of change: Within communities creeping developments cause habituation, abrupt breaks an arousing shock. In terms of social movements this truism becomes apparent in a double way: On the one hand, erupting crises may destabilize social orders and create the necessary space for dissident actors to gain momentum – while they would fail to mobilize outside the scenario of an anxious community gasping for a new guarantor of order. On the other hand, the rise of a dissident actor with unconventional performances may work as a shock triggering withdrawal reflexes in the broader society – while dissidents with relative habitual sentiments can find resonance in communities disappointed by the ruling order.

Does this perspective offer a potential to explain the rise of far right movements in Europe? Let’s examine it by the example of Germany where, in the last two years, far right actors have experienced a remarkable gain in political acceptance – on the streets, in the booths and in the talk shows. In this case, it could be argued that their success in protest and electoral mobilizations as well as their disproportionate high presence in the media rests on communication politics that effect a normalization of far right positions previously disreputed in public discourse. Through this creeping habituation by society, they are able to gain momentum in situations of crisis, producing themselves successfully as a legitimate agent of the “anxious citizens” disappointed by the government. To test this little argument, a finger exercise in frame analysis seems to be proper, a tool common in social movement studies to explain why certain ideas in certain contexts are potent to mobilize audiences – and are not in others. mehr...

Der Aufstieg und Fall Swobodas: Restrukturierung im ukrainischen Nationalismus

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Dies ist der 17. Artikel in unserer Blogreihe Trouble on the­ Far-Right. Für mehr Informationen, bitte hier klicken.

von Mathias Schmidt

Um eines gleich deutlich zu machen: Über rechtsradikale Tendenzen in der Ukraine zu schreiben ist ein Drahtseilakt. Schließlich ist die Debatte in einen größeren Kontext eingebettet: Seit den Ereignissen auf dem Maidan 2014 und dem anschließenden Regime-Change erheben pro-russische Medien die sachlich schwer begründbare Beschuldigung, dass der Westen den Charakter der „faschistischen Junta in Kiew“ verkenne. Auf der anderen Seite bagatellisieren einige Publikationen die real existierenden rechten Umtriebe in der Ukraine beträchtlich. So handelt man sich schnell den Vorwurf ein, wahlweise „die faschistischen Ukrainer“ zu protegieren oder sich „den imperialistischen Russen“ anzubiedern. An dieser Stelle bleibt die notwendige Aufgabe Meinungen von Fakten zu trennen.

Die bedeutendste Kraft der parlamentarischen Rechten in der Ukraine ist die „Freiheitspartei“ Swoboda. Ihre Beteiligung an der Übergangsregierung nach den Maidan-Protesten galt einigen Beobachtern als Beweis für einen Rechtsruck in der Ukraine. Mittlerweile verfügt diese Partei nicht einmal mehr über eine parlamentarische Fraktion. Wie ist es dazu gekommen? Welche Dynamiken stehen dahinter? Ist letztendlich alles in trockenen Tüchern und die Gefahr von rechts gebannt? mehr...

Erdoğans Wölfe – Die Kriegsallianz von MHP und AKP

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Dies ist der 16. Artikel in unserer Blogreihe Trouble on the­ Far-Right. Für mehr Informationen, bitte hier klicken.

von Nikolaus Brauns

„Wir sind zwar hinter Gittern, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht“, erklärte der Führer der Grauen Wölfe, Alparslan Türkeş nach dem Militärputsch vom 12. September 1980 in der Türkei. Damals hatten die Generäle als Zeichen ihrer angeblichen Neutralität neben Zehntausenden inhaftierten Linken auch einige hundert Anhänger der faschistischen Grauen Wölfe anklagen lassen. Entsprechend könnten sich heute seine Nachfolger rühmen: „Wir sind zwar nicht an der Regierung, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht.“ Denn die Herrschaft der seit 2002 alleine regierenden und gemeinhin als islamisch-konservativ charakterisierten Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Aufschwung (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) von Staatspräsident Recep Tayyip Erdoğan und Ministerpräsident Ahmet Davutoğlu stützt sich zunehmend auf die Ideologie, die Methoden und selbst das Personal der Grauen Wölfe. Umgekehrt ist die offiziell in der Opposition stehende parlamentarische Vertretung der Grauen Wölfe, die Partei der Nationalistischen Bewegung (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP) eine Kriegsallianz mit der AKP-Regierung gegen die kurdische Befreiungsbewegung eingegangen. mehr...

On Patrol with the new German Vigilantes

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This is the 15. article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.

by Oliver Saal

Germany’s political culture currently faces a shift to the right as anti-immigrant violence and attacks on refugee camps are on the brink of becoming a daily routine. The populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany) did achieve successes in every recent federal state election. Through their success politics gained a new political quality. Anti-immigrant groups such as PEGIDA in Dresden regularly mobilize hundreds and sometimes thousands of people. The increased number of refugees that came to Germany in 2015 is instrumentalized to fuel racism and to spread nationalist sentiments. mehr...

The Achilles Heel of Bulgaria’s Far Right: the Linkage between the Extreme Right and the Patriotic Front

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This is the 14. article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.

by Yordan Kutiyski

Ever since Bulgaria’s admission to the European Union (EU) in 2007, the country’s domestically weak far right has managed to send its representatives to the European Parliament (EP). Prior to 2014, these MEPs remained largely isolated, retaining a non-affiliated status. Initially, Volen Siderov’s far right party Attack, the first of its kind in post-communist Bulgaria, won three seats in the legislative body in 2007. Formed in 2005, Attack quickly gained electoral support, conveying a strong xenophobic and anti-minority rhetoric combined with emphasis on Orthodox Christian values and opposition to globalization. No other Bulgarian party has previously sought to attract voters using such a strategy. Attack participated in the short-lived Identity, Tradition, Sovereignty group in the EP. Further efforts for constructing a lasting political grouping on the far right with the participation of Bulgarian parties remained futile, making their influence on debate-shaping and decision-making hardly possible. Winning a seat less in 2009, Attack remained outside of any recognized EP political group. mehr...

No one-trick ponies: the multifaceted appeal of the populist radical right

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This is the 13. article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.

by Stijn van Kessel

The environment for populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe is favourable. Both the refugee crisis as well as the recent terrorist attacks in Paris and Brussels have ostensibly fuelled further xenophobic and anti-Islam sentiments among European publics, on the basis of which PRR parties have been shown to build their support. Recent elections in Europe have indeed seen good results for parties with an outspoken xenophobic message, the victories in March 2016 for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the German regional elections and two far right parties (SNS and L’SNS) in the Slovak national elections being cases in point. Opinion polls in countries such as France and the Netherlands look equally promising for PRR parties. Even though not all European countries have witnessed the successful mobilisation of the PRR, it is fair to conclude that this party family is going strong. It would be too quick to conclude, however, that PRR parties only thrive on the recent salience of the immigration issue. mehr...

Judgment in Hungary: A filmmaker reflects

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This is the twelth article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Eszter Hajdu

In 2008 and 2009, a group of Hungarian right-wing extremists committed a series of attacks on random members of the Roma community. Six people were killed, including a five-year-old, and another five were injured. The trial of the four suspects lasted two-and-a-half years, and the verdict was passed in August 2013. Director Eszter Hajdú filmed the trial and condensed it to create an oppressive Kammerspielfilm starring the cold-blooded suspects, an irritable judge and the victims’ families. Without any commentary, Hajdú recorded the drawn-out and sometimes chaotic trial from the cramped courtroom’s public gallery. A small static camera shows the judge’s point of view, while close-ups highlight the emotions of the people touched by the crime. Sometimes we see the protagonists outside the courtroom, for example during the reconstruction at the crime scene. At the start of the trial, the victims and next of kin assume there will be justice, and they have faith that the Hungarian authorities will protect them. But will the extremists be found guilty? The widespread anti-Roma sentiment in Hungarian society, and the bungling (intentional or otherwise) on the part of the police give them reason to fear they will not.

Judgment in Hungary: An independent documentary from Hungary

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Patterns of far right and anti-Muslim mobilisation in the United Kingdom

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This is the eleventh article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Graham Macklin

Far right and anti-Muslim politics in Britain have become increasingly fragmented. The British National Party (BNP), once the leading far right party, has largely collapsed. During the 2010 general election the BNP polled only 1.9% of the vote and was overshadowed by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a right-wing, anti-immigration populist party unencumbered by the BNP’s debilitating historical baggage. Thereafter, the BNP leadership descended into demoralization, bitter recrimination and factional rivalry, hastening the departure of its activist base, the collapse of its membership and leading, ultimately, to the expulsion of its chairman, Nick Griffin, as the party continued its further descent to political irrelevance. The BNP appears ‘finished’ as a political force, its ‘quest for legitimacy’ at an end. mehr...

What’s in the mind of the neo-Nazi next door? A personal reflection on the rise and persistence of Golden Dawn in Greece

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This is the tenth article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Angélique Kourounis

How can a racist party that was getting less than 0.­­2% of the vote for years, enter parliament with 18 MPs? How can a party that promotes violence, hate, sexism and murders amplify its reach after each pogrom? How can Golden Dawn remain the third political power in Greece for four years? And what’s in the mind of a Golden Dawner? mehr...

CfP: 1. Tagung der Themengruppe Internet und Politik – Elektronische Governance

Universität Heidelberg, 28. und 29. September 2016

Nach dem Gründungstreffen im Rahmen des DVPW-Kongresses 2015 in Duisburg plant die neue Themengruppe Internet und Politik – Elektronische Governance für 2016 ihre erste Tagung. Sie wird in Form eines Pre-Conference Workshops zur Drei-Länder-Tagung der DVPW, ÖGPW und SVPW am 28./29. September 2016 in Heidelberg stattfinden.

Abstracts (max. 500 Wörter) für Beiträge zu allen Panels können bis zum 29.4.2016 (verlängerte Einreichungsfrist) an netzpolitik@ipw.uni-heidelberg.de; uri@uni-muenster.de gesendet werden.

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The far right in Austria: small on the streets, big in parliament

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This is the ninth article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Bernhard Weidinger

Since around 1990, the state of the Austrian far right1 has been characterized by the strength of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ – Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, more precisely translated as Freedomite Party of Austria2) and the relative weakness of extra-parliamentarian far right activism. Far from a mere coincidence, these two features are to be understood as closely linked: the FPÖ’s electoral successes have brought far right causes and talking points unto the political center stage on a national level, given them ample media coverage and made street militancy increasingly pointless. Insofar, the Austrian far right spectrum could – at least until recently – be described as a photographic negative of the situation in Germany: successful party politics, weak bottom-up mobilizations and a comparatively low incidence of street violence. Currently, however, the long held hopes of German right-wingers for a party both in the mold, and strength, of the FPÖ are apparently being fulfilled by the emergence of the Alternative for Germany (AfD). Conversely, both legal and illegal street activism have been on the rise in Austria in recent years, particularly since the start of the asylum crisis in Europe. Numerous violent incidents were reported in 2015, including a minimum of 25 attacks on housing facilities for asylum seekers. mehr...

But – where do these people come from? The (Re)Emergence of Radical Nationalism in Finland

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This is the eighth article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Oula Silvennoinen

Trouble’s brewing for the European Union – also in Finland, where the next country-wide elections will see several new, EU-hostile nationalist groups attempt to establish themselves on the political map. At the same time, Finnish Fascism is seeking to entrench and normalize itself into a respectable part of the political framework. mehr...

The far right in Latvia: Should we be worried?

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This is the seventh article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. For more information on the series, please click here.
by Matthew Kott

While one cannot say that the far right movements and ideologies in Latvia are in a state of flux, the current situation in Europe has prompted some developments that could turn into significant trends in the medium to longer term.1 In turn, these could have an effect on broader European politics, if left unchecked. mehr...